Max Weber
Politics as a Vocation [en]

Introduction: Politics as Vocation

The questions Weber asks are, “Why and under what circumstances will the people submit? And on which intrinsic internal legal justification, and what external means does domination rely?”

Weber’s “Politics as Vocation” is the capstone to this translation because it brings together Weber’s thoughts about power, bureaucracy, politics, charisma, and discipline. It was first delivered as a speech on January 28, 1919, when Weber spoke from notes (which are preserved in the Collected Works of Max Weber), and was then recorded by a stenographer sitting behind him as he spoke. The notes and the stenography were then organized into an essay over the next several months, which was then published in German.

Weber was invited to speak at the Munich University because the students wanted to know how to answer the “calling” to the “vocation” (Beruf) of politics. The students were excited with the revolutionary activity in Germany and wanted to hear from a “master,” and so they asked Weber to address them. Weber at first declined—he was too busy campaigning for the DDP and a seat in the Reichstag. So, as an alternative, the students proposed Kurt Eisner, the president of the newly proclaimed Bavarian Republic, who was also Weber’s political nemesis.

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Test greek [en]

Ο Ακροκανθόσαυρος (Acrocanthosaurus) είναι γένος θηριοπόδου δεινοσαύρου το οποίο έζησε στη σημερινή Βόρεια Αμερική κατά την διάρκεια του Άπτιου και πρώιμου Άλβιου σταδίου του Πρώιμου Κρητιδικού. Όπως τα περισσότερα γένη δεινοσαύρων, ο Ακροκανθόσαυρος περιέχει μόνο ένα είδος, το Acrocanthosaurus atokensis. Τα απολιθωμένα κατάλοιπά του βρίσκονται κυρίως στις πολιτείες των ΗΠΑ, Οκλαχόμα και Τέξας. Ωστόσο δόντια που έχουν αποδοθεί στον Ακροκανθόσαυρο έχουν βρεθεί και ανατολικότερα, στο Μέριλαντ.

Ο Ακροκανθόσαυρος ήταν δίποδος θηρευτής. Όπως υποδεικνύεται από το όνομά του, είναι περισσότερο γνωστός για τις ακανθώδεις αποφύσεις σε πολλούς από τους σπονδύλους του, οι οποίες κατά πάσα πιθανότητα υποστήριζαν μία σειρά από μύες στον λαιμό, την πλάτη και τους γοφούς του ζώου. Ο Ακροκανθόσαυρος ήταν ένα από τα μεγαλύτερα θηριόποδα, φτάνοντας τα 12 μέτρα σε μήκος και ζυγίζοντας έως και 6,17 τόνους. Μεγάλα αποτυπώματα από θηριόποδα που έχουν βρεθεί στο Τέξας ενδέχεται να ανήκουν σε Ακροκανθόσαυρους, ωστόσο δεν υπάρχει άμεση σύνδεση με σκελετικά κατάλοιπα.

Errico Malatesta
Anarchia [hun]

1.


Az anarchia szó görög eredetű, s szó szerint annyit jelent: uralom nélkül, vagyis egy olyan állapotot jelöl, melyben az emberek intézményesített hatalom, állam nélkül élnek.


Az anarchia szót azelőtt általában a rendetlenség és zűrzavar értelmében használták. A helyzet akkor változott, amikor egy egész tudományos iskola kezdte az anarchiát lehetségesnek és üdvösnek tartani, s egy olyan párt tűzte céljául, mely korunk társadalmi küzdelmeinek egyik legjelentősebb szereplőjévé vált. A tájékozatlanok számára a szó még ma is káoszt jelent, és az anarchizmus politikai ellenfelei is igyekeznek jelentését eltorzítani.


Nem kívánunk filológiai vitákba bocsátkozni, annál is inkább, mivel a kérdés történelmi és nem filológiai jellegű. Az általánosan elfogadott értelmezés a szó valódi, etimológiai jelentéséhez igazodik: mindazonáltal már ez a jelentés is másodlagos és ahhoz az előítélethez kapcsolódik, mely szerint a kormányzat a társadalmi élet elengedhetetlen eleme, tehát a kormányzat nélküli társadalom a káosz állapotába süllyedne, felőrölné az emberek féktelen önzése és vak indulatai.

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Gustave Le Bon
The Crowd A Study Of The Popular Mind [en]

PREFACE

The following work is devoted to an account of the characteristics of crowds.

The whole of the common characteristics with which heredity endows the individuals of a race constitute the genius of the race. When, however, a certain number of these individuals are gathered together in a crowd for purposes of action, observation proves that, from the mere fact of their being assembled, there result certain new psychological characteristics, which are added to the racial characteristics and differ from them at times to a very considerable degree.

Organized crowds have always played an important part in the life of peoples, but this part has never been of such moment as at present. The substitution of the unconscious action of crowds for the conscious activity of individuals is one of the principal characteristics of the present age.

I have endeavoured to examine the difficult problem presented by crowds in a purely scientific manner--that is, by making an effort to proceed with method, and without being influenced by opinions, theories, and doctrines. This, I believe, is the only mode of arriving at the discovery of some few particles of truth, especially when dealing, as is the case here, with a question that is the subject of impassioned controversy. A man of science bent on verifying a phenomenon is not called upon to concern himself with the interests his verifications may hurt. In a recent publication an eminent thinker, M. Goblet d'Alviela, made the remark that, belonging to none of the contemporary schools, I am occasionally found in opposition of sundry of the conclusions of all of them. I hope this new work will merit a similar observation. To belong to a school is necessarily to espouse its prejudices and preconceived opinions.

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Errico Malatesta
Anarkiya at Pamahalaan [id]

Ang anarkiya ay isang salita na nagmula sa wikang Griyego. Ang ibig sabihin ng salitang ito ay “walang pamahalaan.”

Ang salitang anarkiya ay ginamit sa paglalarawan nang pagkawala ng organisasyon at pagkakagulo. Ito pa rin ang ginagamit na salita hanggang ngayon sa paglalarawan sa pagkakagulo ng mga tao na nais ibahin ang katotohanan.

Ang paniniwala na ang anarkiya ay isang kundisyon kung saan ang paligid ay magulo ay nagmula sa paniniwala na kinakailangan ang isang pamahalaan upang maayos ang takbo ng buhay ng mga mamamayan. Kasama din dito ang paniniwala na kung walang pamahalaan ay magiging magulo, maghahari ang iba at, gaganti ang mga naaagrabyado o naloko at ilalagay ng mga ito ang batas sa kanilang mga kamay.

Lahat na bagay na nabubuhay sa ibabaw ng mundo gaya ng tao ay bumabagay sa kondisyon: ng kanilang paligid upang mabuhay. Ito ang kanilang ginagawa na nama na nila sa kanilang mga ninuno. Kayat dahil sa ipinanganak na walang laya dahil alipin ang pinagmulan, ang tao, nang siya ay magsimulang mag-isip ay inakala na niya kinakailangan silang maging alipin upang mabuhay. Para sa kaniya, ang kalayaan ay parang imposible. Sa ganitong paraan, ang isang manggagawa na sa loob ng maraming siglo ay umaasa sa kaniyang amo para sa kaniyang trabahong ikinabubuhay ay nasanay na ang buhay niya ay pinatatakbo ng mga tao mayroong kapital at lupa. Ang manggagawa ay naniniwala na utang na loob niya sa kaniyang mga amo.

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CrimethInc.
กล้องมีอยู่ท ก ุ ที่ ที่ร ้ส ู ึกปลอดภัยไม่มีเลยสักที่ ทําไมกล้อง ติดตัวตํารวจ ถึงไม่ทําให้เรา ปลอดภัยขึ้น [id]

การที่ตำรวจ
ไม่ถูกตั้งข้อหา
ว่าเป็นฆาตกร
ไม่ได้เกิดขึ้นเพราะ
ไม่มีใครเห็น
แต่เพราะพวกเขา
เป็นส่วนหนึ่งของ
ระบบที่ยิ่งใหญ่กว่า
จนทุกสิ่ง
ที่ประพฤติปฏิบัติ
เป็นเรื่องถูกต้อง
ตามกฎหมาย

เราต่างทราบกันดีว่าการใช้ความรุนแรงของตำรวจเป็นปัญหาที่แท้จริง ในสหรัฐอเมริกา ทำให้เข้าใจได้ถึงสถานการณ์ที่ผู้คนกำลังวางแผนเพื่อหาวิธีการป้องกันตนเองและคนที่รักเพื่อไม่ให้ถูกตำรวจทำร้ายหรือสังหาร หลายคนที่มี ความกังวลเกี่ยวกับเรื่องนี้ได้เริ่มสนับสนุนให้ตำรวจสวมใส่กล้องวีดิทัศน์ติดตัว กับเครื่องแบบของพวกเขา โดยมีแนวคิดที่ว่ากล้องจะเป็นสิ่งช่วยป้องกัน ความรุนแรงของตำรวจ หรืออย่างน้อยที่สุดเพื่อใช้เป็นหลักฐานในการฟ้องร้องดำเนินคดีต่อเจ้าหน้าที่ให้รับผิดชอบหลังความจริงปรากฏ กลุ่มผู้ทำกิจกรรม การรณรงค์เพื่อปฏิรูปตำรวจ (ที่ให้ความสำคัญกับแนวคิดของนักปฏิรูป Black Lives Matter) และสหภาพเสรีภาพพลเมืองอเมริกันกำลังสนับสนุนมาตรการนี้ แม้แต่กรมตำรวจเองก็ได้ผ่านการลงนามเห็นชอบเป็นที่เรียบร้อยแล้วถึงแม้จะเกิด การต่อต้านขึ้นในระยะแรกก็ตาม แต่แนวคิดที่ว่าการมีกล้องจำนวนมากขึ้นจะช่วย หาผู้รับผิดชอบได้ดีขึ้นนั้น (อย่างไรก็ตาม เราคิดไปเอง) อาจขึ้นอยู่กับหลักฐาน ที่มีความผิดพลาด การที่ตำรวจไม่ถูกตั้งข้อหาว่าเป็นฆาตกรไม่ได้เกิดขึ้นเพราะไม่มี ใครเห็น แต่เพราะพวกเขาเป็นส่วนหนึ่งของระบบที่ยิ่งใหญ่กว่าที่บอกพวกเขาว่า เป็นเรื่องสมเหตุสมผลที่จะเข่นฆ่าประชาชน ซึ่งในทุกระดับของสังคมไม่ว่าจะเป็น ฝ่ายนิติบัญญัติ ผู้พิพากษา อัยการถึงคณะลูกขุน พลเมือง และสื่อ ต่างล้วน ให้การสนับสนุนส่งเสริมมุมมองของตำรวจอย่างไร้ซึ่งเหตุและผล จึงไม่น่าแปลกใจ ที่ระดับชั้นบรรยากาศนี้ตำรวจสามารถกระทำการฆาตกรรมผู้ใดก็ได้โดยปราศจาก ความกลัวต่อผลกระทบที่อาจเกิดขึ้น

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Jose Luis A. Alcuaz, Gerardo J. Esguerra, Emmanuel A. F. Lacaba, Leonardo Q. Montemayor and Alfredo N. Salanga
Down from the Hill [en]

The following text is a manifesto by Ateneans Jose Luis A. Alcuaz, Gerardo J. Esguerra, Emmanuel A. F. Lacaba, Leonardo Q. Montemayor and Alfredo N. Salanga, published in The GUIDON, Vol. XXXV, No. 9, on November 27, 1968.

Montemayor and Lacaba became editors of The GUIDON during their stay in the university.

Editor’s Note: The following paper is a preliminary study towards a better understanding of the nature and challenges of Filipinization in the Ateneo. It was prepared by five Ateneans: Jose Luis A. Alcuaz, junior A.B; Gerardo J. Esguerra, junior AB; Emmanuel A. F. Lacaba, junior A.B; Leonardo Q. Montemayor, junior B.S. and Alfredo N. Salanga, senior A.B.


Filipinization is relevance. It is the process of making things relevant to the Philippine situation.

A revolutionary situation exists in the Philippines because the present social, political and economic order does not make for a just society. These are self-evident. That a power elite controls government for its own interests over and above those of the great majority of our countrymen. And this same power elite maintains an unequal distribution of the nation’s wealth, which action is unjust because of the great disparity existing between the rich and the poor.

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Amadeo Bordiga
The Democratic Principle [en]

The use of certain terms in the exposition of the problems of communism very often engenders ambiguities because of the different meanings these terms may be given. Such is the case with the words democracy and democratic. In its statements of principle, Marxist communism presents itself as a critique and a negation of democracy; yet communists often defend the democratic character of proletarian organizations (the state system of workers’ councils, trade unions and the party) and the application of democracy within them. There is certainly no contradiction in this, and no objection can be made to the use of the dilemma, “either bourgeois democracy or proletarian democracy” as a perfect equivalent to the formula “bourgeois democracy or proletarian dictatorship”.

The Marxist critique of the postulates of bourgeois democracy is in fact based on the definition of the class character of modern society. It demonstrates the theoretical inconsistency and the practical deception of a system which pretends to reconcile political equality with the division of society into social classes determined by the nature of the mode of production.

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Theodore Kaczynski
Industrial Society and its Future The Unabomber Manifesto [en]

Introduction

1. The Industrial Revolution and its consequences have been a disaster for the human race. They have greatly increased the life-expectancy of those of us who live in “advanced” countries, but they have destabilized society, have made life unfulfilling, have subjected human beings to indignities, have led to widespread psychological suffering (in the Third World to physical suffering as well) and have inflicted severe damage on the natural world. The continued development of technology will worsen the situation. It will certainly subject human being to greater indignities and inflict greater damage on the natural world, it will probably lead to greater social disruption and psychological suffering, and it may lead to increased physical suffering even in “advanced” countries.

2. The industrial-technological system may survive or it may break down. If it survives, it MAY eventually achieve a low level of physical and psychological suffering, but only after passing through a long and very painful period of adjustment and only at the cost of permanently reducing human beings and many other living organisms to engineered products and mere cogs in the social machine. Furthermore, if the system survives, the consequences will be inevitable: There is no way of reforming or modifying the system so as to prevent it from depriving people of dignity and autonomy.

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EDWARD L. BERNAYS
PROPAGANDA The Public Mind In The Making [en]

CHAPTER I
ORGANIZING CHAOS


The conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits and opinions of the masses is an important element in democratic society. Those who manipulate this unseen mechanism of society constitute an invisible government which is the true ruling power of our country.

We are governed, our minds are molded, our tastes formed, our ideas suggested, largely by men we have never heard of. This is a logical result of the way in which our democratic society is organized. Vast numbers of human beings must cooperate in this manner if they are to live together as a smoothly functioning society.

Our invisible governors are, in many cases, unaware of the identity of their fellow members in the inner cabinet.

They govern us by their qualities of natural leader- ship, their ability to supply needed ideas and by their key position in the social structure. Whatever attitude one chooses to take toward this condition, it remains a fact that in almost every act of our daily lives, whether in the sphere of politics or business, in our social conduct or our ethical thinking, we are dominated by the relatively small number of per- sons—a trifling fraction of our hundred and twenty million—who understand the mental processes and social patterns of the masses. It is they who pull the wires which control the public mind, who harness old social forces and contrive new ways to bind and guide the world.

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